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Covering
Bedfordshire, Cambridgeshire, Essex, Hertfordshire, Norfolk, and Suffolk,
including Luton, Peterborough, Southend-on-Sea and Thurrock.
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Email:
mep@andrewduffmep.org
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ELDR
BRIEFING PAPER ON IGC
11
December 2003
This briefing
relates to the Presidency's proposals (CIG 60/03 and Annexes I and II).
General
remarks
1. In general
ELDR supports the process and the outcome of the Convention. We support
the efforts of the Italian Presidency to bring about a settlement at the
IGC on the basis of the Draft Constitution.
2. The IGC
will be judged on its success in completing the constitutional architecture
of the enlarged European Union now and not later. Failure will have grave
adverse consequences at home and abroad.
The European
Commission
3. Option
A sticks with the Convention model of a two-tier Commission from 2009,
perhaps with an augmented number of senior Commissioners (18 rather than
13), with enhanced powers for the junior Commissioners (some voting rights
and portfolio duties).
4. Option
B is to fix another date (presumably 2014) to reduce the size of the Commission
to a specified number.
5. So-called
rendezvous clauses should be opposed as being in contravention of the
constitutional settlement (paragraph 2 above). However, if we have to
accept rendezvous clauses they should be drawn up positively rather than
negatively. In other words, the number of Commissioners will be
reduced in 2014 unless the European Council decides (by unanimity?)
to reverse the decision.
QMV formula
6. We stick
with the dual majority formula as being clear, simple and democratic.
Our preference is for the Convention's carefully crafted equation of 50/60.
However, either 50/50 or 60/60 would be acceptable. 50/62 would be the
same as the third key in the Nice equation, and could therefore be acceptable
to Spain and Poland. Anything much beyond that will cease to facilitate
decision-making and should be resisted.
QMV scope
7. The Convention
achieved a balanced compromise on the extension of QMV. The Presidency
has already proposed some retreat from this key element of the constitutional
package deal (see below). No more regression is acceptable.
European
Parliament
7. Seats
in the European Parliament must not be used as gaming chips in the casino.
If it is sensible to raise the threshold to 5 for the smallest states,
it is also desirable to reduce the ceiling for the largest member state.
Otherwise the size of the Parliament becomes unmanageable.
Specific
comments
8. We comment
here only on the major revisions now proposed by the Presidency. Precise
proposals for intervention in the debates are in bold italics.
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Annex 1
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Article I-2
Values
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1. The inclusion of minority rights is undesirable. The Constitution
(notably the Charter) chooses on purpose the individual rights approach
and not collective rights. This is the Liberal way.
2. If gender equality is to be included it should be treated
as a value and not merely as a valued principle.
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Annex 8
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Article III-197.3
External Action Service
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It is good that this now takes the form of a constitutional article
and not just a Declaration. However, the original formula for a
'joint' administration set up by agreement between the Council and
Commission, without prejudice to the rights of the European Parliament
(for example, in budgetary matters), has been weakened. There is
also a potentially worrying distinction between the 'central' service
and external delegations.
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Annex 10
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Article I-54
Multi-annual financial framework
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The European Council can decide by QMV to delay the introduction
of QMV for the second decision following the signature of the Constitution.
In practice, this is likely to be in 2012. This is at least clear.
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Annex 11
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Article III-310
Budget
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Under this proposal, non-action by the Council blocks the budget
while non-action by the Parliament causes the budget to be approved.
The main substantive change (sub-paragraph 8) is that the Council,
acting by QMV, can block the entire budget. Where the Parliament
cannot confirm the text of the conciliation committee (acting by
3/5 majority of votes cast) the budget is deemed adopted. Where
either party rejects the budget, a new budgetary procedure starts
all over again, and the provisional twelfth system is applied if
necessary. This proposal maintains a decisive word of the
Parliament, although not necessarily the last one. The Parliament
will have to take into consideration the possibility of an ultimate
Council veto. However, the Council will tend to use its veto sparingly.
In practice, the revised system will encourage the co-decisional
character of the budgetary procedure.
Best of all would be the Convention's proposals. Worst of
all would be Ecofin's proposals. The Presidency's proposals are
just acceptable.
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Annex 16
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Article III-76.12
Excessive deficit procedure
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The European Court of Justice is given the right to review infringements
of the excessive deficit procedure. This is an advance on the proposals
of the Convention.
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Annex 18
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Article III-171
Judicial cooperation in criminal matters;
and Article III-172
Minimum rules for the common definition of crimes and sanctions
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These revisions masquerade as an 'emergency break'. In effect,
however, they put an end to co-decision, thereby jeopardising the
decision to suppress the Maastricht third pillar. The referral to
the European Council on the mere invocation of conflict with the
fundamental principles of national judicial system will be an irresistible
temptation for those member states that essentially oppose integration
in this area.
The insertion of a deadline within which the European Council
had to act would at least prevent complete inaction. The better
solution would be to return to the Naples formulation (referral
to European Council without suspension of co-decision and with time
limits). Best of all would be to get the European Council to act
by QMV.
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Annex 19
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Article III-175
Public Prosecutor
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The restriction placed on the Public Prosecutor (limited competence
to financial interest of the Union) plus the inclusion of a passerelle
to future wider competence probably strengthens the consensus.
However, linking the passerelle to the requirement for national
ratification negates its purpose. The link should be removed.
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Annex 22
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Article I-40.6 etc.
Common Security & Defence Policy
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These changes are surely now acceptable. They continue to allow
the Council to take the decision on structured cooperation by QMV,
while preserving unanimity for sending troops to battle. They also
permit a country to withdraw from the military cooperation.
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Annex 23
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Article III-201
Common Foreign & Security Policy
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This is the obvious solution that stares everyone in the face.
Allow QMV for proposals of the Foreign Minister that define for
practical purposes a strategic decision of the European Council.
Otherwise there will continue to be very little or no CFSP.
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Annex 25
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Article III-21
Social security for mobile workers
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This provision is emasculated by the insertion of an emergency
brake clause allowing referral to the European Council where fundamental
principles of national social security systems are concerned. This
puts a stop to co-decision.
The solution would be to return to the Naples formulation
(referral to European Council without suspension of co-decision
and with time limits to force it to act, preferably by QMV).
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Annex 26
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Article III-62.2
Fiscal provisions
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QMV is saved for this controversial article (at least, to the UK)
with the strange and unnecessary qualification that the EU tax measures
should not affect national tax regimes.
Best to remove the addition for the sake of clarity, transparency
and common sense.
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Annex 30
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Article III-149
Research & development
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The reversion to the atypical Council law is a step backwards,
especially for the European Parliament which is deprived of its
rightful legislative power.
The IGC should go back to the Convention's proposal - which
is EU law for the framework programme and Council regulation for
implementing the specific programmes.
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Annex 35
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Article IV-7bis
General passerelle
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The European Parliament gains the right of consent (in place of
consultation in Article I-24.4), but the new nihil obstat
provision for national parliaments means that the instrument will
be less useful for the European Council which will find itself highly
exposed to domestic political upsets.
The IGC would be wise to shorten the period in which national
parliaments need to react from six months to six weeks. Another
option would be to increase the objection threshold of national
parliaments to one third.
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Annex 36
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Article IV-7ter
Revision procedures
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This is in any case a very modest measure. The only substantive
change introduced by this revision is to remove the need for either
a Convention or an IGC to draft amendments to Title III of Part
III.
A definite and realisable improvement would be to give the
European Parliament the right of consent and not just consultation.
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Annex 44
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Article III-328
Passerelle on enhanced cooperation
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The suppression of the specific passerelle for enhanced cooperation
means that integration will be forced to take place outside the
Union (and the Constitution) in the case that one member of the
core group objects to a major policy development.
The article should be reinstated.
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Contacts
at the IGC
Andrew Duff
MEP + 44 7703 471 659
Guillaume
McLaughlin + 32 478 201 299
AND/GML
11.30
11-12-03
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